I found the New York Times’s review of Master of the Senate, and I’m kind of amazed by how silly a review it is. This is a review that says of Caro’s earlier work,
The second volume, ”Means of Ascent,” was so harsh on Johnson that Caro seemed an anti-biographer. He even made a saint of Coke Stevenson, the far from saintly Texas politician who was Johnson’s opponent in his 1948 Senate race.
Caro takes a good bit of time at the end of Means of Ascent to point out that he thought badly of Coke Stevenson too — before he bothered to research him. As Caro studied him more, he realized that Johnson and his henchmen had even managed to smear the history books.
Means of Ascent is about the seven years between Johnson’s first, failed run for the U.S. Senate, and his successful theft of the election in 1948 that finally elevated him to the Senate. Caro documents in excruciating — but still unfairly captivating — detail how Johnson stole it, and how everything in his life up to that point was about to be destroyed, and his lifelong ambition for the U.S. presidency ended, if he didn’t steal it. So he stole it. It’s not a pretty story, but neither is it unnecessarily bitter. Caro tells the story of the theft with all the fairness of a good scholar.
The first two volumes of this biography detail Johnson’s ambition, his secrecy, and the obvious plans he was always hatching to run for the presidency. I’m sure that it was the publisher’s decision to separate Means of Ascent from The Path To Power, not Caro’s; there’s no reason in the content of the books why they should be cut there.
So then the Times reviewer drops bits like this as though they were revelations:
How can his empathy with blacks be squared with his racist talk? Caro’s compelling insight is that two forces competed in Johnson: compassion and ambition. And ”whenever those two forces collided, it was the ambition that won.” He needed support and money from rich Texans who were vicious racists, so he talked to them in their terms, and they were convinced to the end that he shared their views.
Anyone who had read both of the first two volumes would have seen very little compassion. The reader sees moments where Johnson helps the people from the dirt-poor country in which he grew up (a country that Caro spends ample time documenting), but in large part he is constantly grasping his way upward, and the power itself appears to be the goal. Johnson rarely speaks on the floor of the House, rarely introduces a bill, almost never enters a bill of national scope, and almost never helps his people. These are all documentable facts. The Times reviewer seems to think that pointing out these facts — as Caro did in Means of Ascent — is anti-biographical, when in fact it’s just painting the truth.
If, by the time we enter Master of the Senate, Johnson has gained a measure of compassion, those who’ve read the first two volumes are not surprised: he’s nearly reached his goal, and he may have time to use that power to do some good. In Means of Ascent, Johnson is virtually at the nadir of his power, so he’s spending most of his time trying to get more.
As an aside, Caro’s story of how Johnson financed his long-shot 1948 Senate campaign is fascinating. He built his Congressional career out of money from the construction firm of Brown and Root, to whom he gave massive construction projects (dams, military bases) in Texas by exercising his connections to Sam Rayburn and FDR. He forever altered Texas politics with his 1941 Senate campaign, which was extravagant and was funded almost entirely by Brown and Root — and specifically, by illegal contributions from them. Johnson and Brown only avoided IRS sanctions because Johnson had some sway with Roosevelt. So by the time the 1948 election came around, Brown had no choice but to give Johnson whatever he needed: if Coke Stevenson were elected, Brown’s goose would be cooked. Not only would the flood of contracts stop, but the IRS would probably put someone in jail. So they gave him whatever he wanted, and he won.
Anyone who thinks he or she has the patience for 2,000 pages of tight storytelling, and who wants to understand why 20th-century American politics worked the way it did, should read all three of Caro’s books. They won’t let you down.
P.S. (27 Jan 2006): Reading more of Master of the Senate, I come to Caro’s description of Johnson’s hat tip to the Texas oil industry, namely his smear of Truman’s candidate for a federal energy-regulatory position. It is at least the equal of any of the damning material in Means of Ascent. I don’t understand why the Times would have such an easy time with this new book but not the older one.